An all-Negro Nation is one of the principal goals

THE SUMMER OF 1966 produced a new slogan in the American lexicon: Black Power. This ominous battle cry was coined by Stokely Carmichael and first gained public notoriety on the Meredith march through Mississippi in June 1966. By adding the Black Power chant to "Kill Whitey" and "Burn Baby Burn"—the battle cries of the Watts Rebellion—the civil rights Revolution openly disavowed the tactics of those leaders the public had been led to believe were more moderate. The movement now disavowed the former goal of integration, and veered down the gory path of black nationalism.

Black nationalism has nothing to do with nations; it is strictly the doctrine of Negro racial superiority. Rooted deep within black nationalism is a passionate, burning hatred for white people. Black nationalism seeks to establish all-Negro republics in the South and separate all-Negro cities in the North. That is Black Power. In every major city throughout the United States, black nationalist groups are organizing and preparing to inflict a bloody Revolution on the United States.

In order to understand the black nationalist movement, it is necessary to grasp the teachings of the two men who are the philosophical, ideological exemplars of that cult of fanatics. They are Robert Franklin Williams and the late Malcolm X. If Malcolm X was the Lenin of the black Revolution, Robert Williams is the Stalin. Williams had been a National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) organizer in Monroe, North Carolina until the Federal Bureau of Investigation issued a warrant for his arrest on a kidnapping charge. Williams, a national sponsor for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, then fled to Havana where he formed "Afro-American Government in Exile," with headquarters in the Hotel Capri, Suite 1405.

THE MARTYRED MALCOLM X is carried away on police stretcher from fatal February 21, 1965 meeting.





From his Havana headquarters, Williams began broadcasting a weekly program entitled "Radio Free Dixie,’’ which advocated the "kill-in" to be made, systematically, a part of the civil rights movement. Williams maintains, ‘‘We must be our own judges, juries, and executioners of on-the-spot justice for those violent thugs who savagely attack our defenseless women and children. (Chicago Tribune News Service, July 27, 1965.) Williams' program, which can be heard as far North as Washington. D.C. specializes in attempting to incite Negroes to kill policemen as a panacea for their problems.

Williams also publishes a newsletter known as The Crusader, which is smuggled into the United States through Canada. The Crusader is a sort of "how to do it" manual in urban guerrilla warfare. Its thesis is that a small minority, properly armed, led and trained can bring a large nation to its knees through the systematic use of terror that will eventually erode and finally destroy the will to resist of the American people causing them to accede to the demands of the insurgents. To accomplish this, Williams promises the Revolutionaries aid from the outside "Socialist’’ world. He scoffs at those who maintain that a civil war within the United States would be suicidal for the Negroes— a race, which represents only 11 per cent of the nation’s population. Williams says of his critics, "Let them remember that the anti-racist, anti-imperialist forces of the Socialist camp are growing more powerful every day. We are learning from the people of Vietnam. We are learning from the people of Cuba. We are learning horn the people of Algeria, Angola, and the Congo."

One might remember that the Revolutions in these latter three nations were among the most horrendous displays of butchery the world has ever witnessed. Williams, who maintains that freedom requires the will to die as well as the will to kill, gives this advice on the conduct of urban guerrilla warfare in the June 1964 Crusader:

Gasoline firebombs (Molotov cocktails), lye or acid bombs (made by injecting lye or acid in the metal end of light bulbs) can be used extensively. During the night hours such weapons, thrown from rooftops, will make the streets impossible for racist cops to patrol. Hand grenades, bazookas, light mortars, rocket launchers, machine guns and ammunition can be bought clandestinely from service men, anxious to make a fast dollar.

…..derailing of trains causes panic. Explosive booby traps on police telephone boxes can be employed.

High-powered sniper rifles are readily available.

Armor piercing bullets will penetrate oil storage tanks from a distance. Phosphorous matches (kitchen matches) placed in air conditioning systems will cause delayed explosions which will destroy expensive buildings. Flame-throwers can be manufactured at home.

Williams, who now operates part of the time from Red China, is the author of a hook, Negroes with Guns, published by Marzani & Munsell, semiofficial publishers for the Communist Party.

"NONVIOLENT" Martin Luther King wrote an article used as a prologue to highly inflammatory violence-advocating book.

Curiously, the book is a diatribe advocating the slaughter of all Caucasians, has a prologue written by Martin Luther King, a man who is— theoretically—America’s number one exponent of nonviolence. Many will question King’s judgment in allowing a publisher linked with the Communist Party to reprint one of his speeches to serve as a launching pad for aim incitation to armed rebellion.

In typical Red fashion, Williams believes that anything that is done by the United States in self-defense proves that the American military men are the lackeys of the Wall Street capitalist monopolists. If the United States tests a nuclear bomb, it is because America is a bloodthirsty nation desirous of destroying all the colored people of the world. When China tests a bomb, however, he sings a different song. "Afro-American Freedom Fighters jubilantly joined the universal chorus of the brutally oppressed, ruthlessly exploited forces in hailing the great Chinese peoples’ third nuclear explosion. The Chinese bomb is a peoples’ bomb. It is a mighty freedom bomb." ("Williams on Red China A-bomb," Tocsin, June 29, 1966.)

The founding father of modern day black nationalism is the late Malcolm X, assassinated in a hail of gunfire by dissidents in an internecine battle.

"When you talk of Black Power, you talk of picking up where Malcolm X left off," stated Stokely Carmichael, who is Malcolm X’s replacement as the charismatic leader of the black nationalist movement. In order to understand the significance of the turn of the civil rights movement to black nationalism, it is essential to understand the ideas and philosophy of Malcolm X.



BLACK NATIONALIST leader Shayka Muhammad shown under arrest after 75 Philadelphia police raided headquarters of black nationalists in August 1964. Police seized large carton of Molotov cocktails, bricks, steel clubs and a .22 caliber pistol. Black nationalists advocate violent Revolution and setting up of black nation within U.S.

THIS RIFLE and ammunition were among arms seized by New York police at headquarters of Malcolm X, July 1963. Police found rifle loaded and "ready for immediate use." Constant propaganda urges Negroes to arm.
Vol. No 9 SEPTEMBER 1965 35c


Malcolm X was a member of the Black Muslim sect until 1962, when, allegedly, following a fallout with Muslim leader Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X formed his own organization, the black nationalist Organization for Afro-American Unity. He said he had formed the new organization because there were many Negro people who were not religiously inclined to accept the Muslim faith, but were interested in active participation in the political, economic and social program of the black nationalists. In the book, Two Speeches Malcolm X states:

Our political philosophy will be Black Nationalism. Our economic and social philosophy too will be Black Nationalism. Ourcultural emphasis will be Black Nationalism. Thus Malcolm X described his new organization. The political philosophy of black nationalism means the control of the politics and the politicians in Negro communities by Negroes. Negroes must no longer take orders from outside forces. Malcolm X recommended that Negroes arm themselves and prepare for "sell-defense." In the areas where our people are the constant victims of brutality, and the government seems unable or unwilling to protect them, we should form rifle squads that can be used to defend our lives and our property in times of emergency. Malcolm X saw the Negro minority within the United States as essentially a powder keg and the black nationalists as being the fuse to explode the entire Negro population into Revolution.

In a speech sponsored by the Trotskyite Communist Militant Labor Forum, Malcolm X states:

While Negroes didn’t do this [revolt] ten years ago [he said] you should learn from this that they’re waking up. There were stones yesterday, Molotov cocktails today; it will be hand grenades tomorrow and whatever else is available the next day. In case anyone was in doubt about what he had in mind, lie later told the audience "I say we need a Mau Mau, and I’ll be the first to join it."

Since Malcolm X made no attempt to hide his belief in the use of violence to achieve his aims, the next question is: what was he driving at? He saw the Negro in America essentially as a nation within a nation, a people that must revolt and win independence—national liberation. He told an audience:

There are 22 million African-Americans who are ready to fight for independence right here. When I say fight for independence right here, I don’t mean any nonviolent fight or "turn the other cheek" fight. Those days are gone. Those days are over. In his fight for independence, Malcolm X tried to sell the Negro on a nihilistic form of win or die Revolution. "Every time a black man gets ready to defend himself, some Uncle Tom tries to tell us ‘How can you win?’ Don’t listen to him. This is the first thing we hear, ‘The odds are against you.’ You’re dealing with black people who don’t care anything about odds. We care nothing about odds."

Malcolm X, the Lenin of the Negro Revolution in the United States, was likewise forthright in his call for Revolution. Today’s civil rights leaders have picked up his mantle. Still writing in Two Speeches Malcolm X states:

This is a real revolution. Revolution is always based on land. Revolution is never based on begging someone for an integrated cup of coffee. Revolutions are never fought by turning the other cheek. Revolutions are never based upon love your enemy and pray for those who spitefully use you. And revolutions are never waged singing "We Shall Overcome." Revolutions are based upon bloodshed. Revolutions are never compromising. Revolutions are never based on negotiation. Revolutions are never based upon any kind of tokenism whatsoever. Revolutions are never based upon that which is begging a corrupt society or a corrupt system to accept us into it. Revolution overturns systems and there is no system on earth which has proven itself more corrupt, more criminal than this system, that in 1964 still colonizes 22 million African-Americans, still enslaves 22 million Afro-Americans.

KING AND MUHAMMAD met in 1966 in home of Black Muslim chief to plan strategy for "Chicago Freedom Movement." Many found it ironic that the primary exponent of "nonviolence" would meet to plan strategy with one of America’s most outspoken promotors of hatred and violence. Some began to doubt King’s honesty. Others wondered whether he intended, and planned, far more than he said publicly.

Most Americans will wonder where Malcolm X got the perverse idea that the American Negro forms a colony or a nation within a nation. The idea was not original with Malcolm. It did originate in the mind of V. I. Lenin, who wrote in 1915:

There's a striking similarity between the economic position of the American Negro and that of the former serf of the central agricultural province of Russia. (V. I. Lenin, Capitalism and Agriculture in the United States of America, translation and manuscript, N.Y. Public Library, p. 1.)

Lenin's idea was picked up Stalin who ordered his agent in America, John Pepper, to adopt the idea of a separate Negro republic as part of the platform of the Communist Party. Pepper, whose real name was Joseph Pogany, a general in the Communist regime in post World War I Hungary before being sent to the United States by Stalin, wrote:

"The "Black Belt" of the South . . . constitutes virtually a colony within the body of the United States of America. The Communist Party recognizes the tremendous revolutionary possibilities of the Negro people.... The Negro Communist should emphasize the establishment. . . of a Negro Soviet Republic" (John Pepper, "American Negro Problems", Communist, Vol. 7. No. 10, October, 1928.)

In 1935, another Communist pamphlet explained where this Negro Soviet Republic would be:

It would be certain to include such cities as Richmond and Norfolk, Virginia; Columbia and Charleston, South Carolina; Atlanta, Augusta, Savannah and Macon, Georgia; Montgomery, Alabama; New Orleans and Shreveport, Louisiana; Little Rock, Arkansas; and Memphis, Tennessee... (James S. Allen and James W. Ford, "The Negroes In A Soviet America", N.Y., Workers Library Publishers, 1935, p. 39.)

STOKELY CARMICHAEL seen in long blue overalls of southern field worker which he uses to appear among laborers. Carmichael uses business suit for many other public meetings.

The idea of "national liberation" for colonial peoples is a tried and true Communist technique that has been used over and over again with excellent success. It is being used today in dozens of countries including Vietnam where the Viet Cong call themselves the NLF—National Liberation Front. It makes no difference whether the people to be "liberated" happen to be colonialists or not. The Communists were successful in fomenting a civil war in Algeria, which was as much a part of France as the Hawaiian Islands are a part of the United States. All Communist wars are called "wars of liberation" in which the colonials, whether it be the South Vietnamese or the French Canadians or the American Negro, are ostensibly fighting for their independence.

Malcolm X in Two Speeches used language right out of the Communist textbook, "America is a colonial power. She has colonized 22 million Afro-Americans. . ." Malcolm X was lavish in his praise for Communist Revolutionaries throughout the world:

You have to realize now that the day of nonviolent resistance is over.... The people of China grew tired of their oppressors and the people rose up against their oppressors. They didn’t rise up nonviolently. It was easy to say that the odds were against them, but 11 of them started out and today those 11 control 800 million. When Castro was up in the mountains of Cuba they told him the odds were against him. Today, he is sitting in Havana and all the power this country has can’t remove him. They told the Algerians the same thing. What do you fight with? Today they have to bow down to Ben Bella. Besides praising the savage Communist butchers and echoing the Communist line on colonialism and the American Negro, Malcolm X also made no secret of his Communist economic beliefs. In the March-April 1964 issue of The Young Socialist, a Communist magazine, Malcolm X stated: It is impossible for capitalism to survive, primarily because the system of capitalism needs some blood to suck. Capitalism used to be an eagle, but now it is more like a vulture. It used to be strong enough to go and suck anybody’s blood whether they were strong or not, but now it has become more cowardly, like the vulture, and it can only suck the blood of the helpless. As the nations of the world free themselves, then capitalism has less victims, less to suck, and it becomes weaker and weaker. It is only a matter of time in my opinion until it will collapse completely. Malcolm X's successor as the number one promoter of black nationalism in the United States is twenty-five-year old Stokely Carmichael, and it was the wiley Carmichael, who coined the term Black Power. Born in the West Indies, he went to school in New York and is a college graduate. He is usually seen wearing the long blue overalls of the southern field worker. Stokely knows how to build an image. You don’t build an army of the "poor" at the grass roots level, in a Brooks Brothers suit.

Communist Revolution in the Streets, by Gary Allen, 1967

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