Red Tide Rising in the Carolinas

Published by Western Goals Foundation, 1980
Lawrence P. McDonald, former M.C. (D-GA), murdered by Soviets aboard KAL007

"I want to send a message to Jimmy Carter. There ain't going to be no reinstatement of the draft. We 're not going to fight no more wars for capitalism; we 're not going to fight no more wars for imperialism. We 're going to be drafted into the freedom struggle. We're going to march; we 're going to march! We 're going to tear this system down! We must blot out capitalism and imperialism once and for all!"

Rev. Ben Chavis

Greensboro, N. C.

Feb. 2, 1980

Reverend Benjamin Franklin Chavis is in parole from the North Carolina prison system. Convicted of arson and riot conspiracy, a conviction upheld in every appeal through to the U.S. Supreme Court, Rev. Ben Chavis is an active co-chairman of a major front group of the Communist Party, U.S.A. which is called the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR) that is targeted specifically at minority groups and prisoners.

Rev. Chavis was directing this fiery rhetoric to a crowd of some 5,000 demonstrators who had assembled in Greensboro, North Carolina, to commemorate the deaths of five Communists in a gun battle with a local neo-Nazi and Ku Klux Klan coalition. This rhetoric expressed the growing militancy common to the dozen or so revolutionary Marxist groups now operating in North and South Carolina. The revolutionaries are competing with one another to organize on the college campuses; among Indian, Negro and moderate-income white communities; and to capture control of various trade union locals. The purpose of all this effort is not any sort of utopian plan for a new golden age, but to concentrate power and control over society, business and government in the hands of a small revolutionary clique.

The Carolinas have been targets of Communist and socialist organizing since the 1920's. There have been a number of reasons why the Communists regard the Carolinas as ideal territory. First, there are a large number of colleges and universities from which Marxist movements always have drawn most of their recruits. Second, they have an optimum mixture of small and medium-sized industries, particularly textile mills; and a substantial rural population of moderate-to-modest income families, both black and white, which radicals hope to recruit. Third, the presence of American Indian and

Negro minorities provide special targets for disrupting the fabric of society. Fourth, the radicals consider the existence of a number of small extremist neo-Nazi and Ku Klux Klan splinter groups that can be manipulated into violence to be a point in favor of their plans.

From the beginning of the 1960's, the Carolinas have had problems with revolutionary violence.

Under the pretext of seeking to increase the civil rights of Negroes, Communist Party organizers in the South helped spawn the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in 1960. The "non-violent" aspects were quickly dropped when under the leadership of Stokely Carmichael and H. "Rap" Brown, SNCC spearheaded the violence and race hatred of the "black power" movement.

The problem of revolutionary violence predated formation of the SNCC. Among the first to use the pretext of "armed self-defense" and deliberate baiting of the Ku Klux Klan was Robert Williams in Monroe, NC.

Williams fled to Red China after being indicted in 1961 for kidnapping during a racial disturbance. His writings in support of sabotage and armed insurrection which filtered back into the United States from Peking helped set a climate for later militants and for the violence of arson and riot typified by the 1971 case of the Wilmington Ten.

Starting at the beginning of the 1970's, a variety of Marxist and Marxist-Leninist organizations moved back into the Carolinas with two tactics; first by building defense efforts for several carefully selected criminal and militant defendants, and secondly by attaching themselves to union organizing efforts among hospital workers, public employees and textile workers.

Among the most active groups taking part in these efforts have been Marxist "professional" groups such as the National Lawyers Guild and the Medical Committee for Human Rights; "New Left" formations like the New American Movement; the pro-Moscow Communist Party, U.S.A.; the Peking-affiliated Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist; and smaller Communist splinter groups such as the Revolutionary Communist Party and the Communist Workers Party.

The overwhelming number of Americans will not associate with overtly Communist or socialist groups. To get around that hurdle, revolutionary groups operate a broad assortment of front organizations designed to appeal to special interests and persuade them to accept, often unknowingly, Communist leadership and guidance.

Among the Communist Party, U.S.A. fronts that have been most active in the Carolinas are the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR) and the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOCESJ). Peking's pet Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist, controls the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF); and the Revolutionary Communist Party is the parent of the Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee (UWOC).

Even with their battery of front groups, the revolutionaries organizing in the Carolinas have not been successful in drawing large numbers of people to their cause. This failure has sparked a dangerous competitive militancy among many of the smaller revolutionary groups. Incendiary rhetoric, public displays of weapons, public challenges to Klan and neo-Nazi extremists are intended to prove that their own particular organization can best "defend" the interests of Carolinians.

But in fact, this escalation of militancy has had the effect not of attracting wider support, but of appealing to the most violent members of other radical organizations and concentrating them in the most extreme of the splinter sects. Obviously, concentrating the mentally and politically unstable in a situation outside the controls of a hospital ward has a high probability of generating problems.

The Marxist Nazi-baiting program succeeded in sparking a spectacular outbreak of bloodshed.

As a tactical device intended to attract the support of members of the Indian and black minorities, a number of the Communist groups organizing in the Carolinas have engaged in calculated campaigns to antagonize Klan and neo-Nazi groups. The revolutionaries believe that if the Nazis and KKK can be provoked to violence, the position of revolutionaries as "defenders" of minorities and a~ leaders of coalitions with moderates against extremism will be enhanced.

In November 1979, the Marxist Nazi-baiting program succeeded in sparking spectacular outbreak of bloodshed.

On Saturday, November 3, 1979, in Greensboro, NC, an anti-Ku Klux Klan march and rally called by the little-known Communist Workers Party (CWP) erupted into violence. A shoving and scuffling match between leaders of the CWF and about fifteen members of a KKK and neo-Nazi group erupted into violence. Press reports said the shoot-out was touched off when a CWP member fired a handgun during the scuffle. The Klansmen and Nazis then armed themselves with weapons concealed in the trunk of a car and opened fire. Five leaden of the Communist Workers Party were killed and ten were wounded. Photographs of the shoot-out and its aftermath show that both the members of the Communist Workers Party and the Nazis were armed.

The question asked by Americans afterwards was who and what is the Communist Workers Party and how did this gunfight come about.

The Communist Workers Party has its national headquarters in a rundown commercial building at 1 East Broadway in New York City, in Chinatown at the foot of the Bowery. Active CWP chapters are found in Chicago, Philadelphia, Berkeley and Los Angeles, as well as in Greensboro. Until October 1979, the Communist Workers Party was known as the Workers Viewpoint Organization and published a monthly newspaper with the same name. The history of the growth of the Workers Viewpoint Organization is common enough among radical fringe groups. The group started out in the early 1970's as a Maoist study group composed mostly of Asian-Americans led by Jerry Tung.

In 1972, Workers Viewpoint formed an alliance with Nelson Johnson's Greensboro, N.C., group, the Youth Organization for Black Unity (YOBU). Mergers with other small Maoist Communist groups followed. Workers Viewpoint cadre were active in various left causes including support of Maoist revolutionary terrorist organizations in southern Africa through the African Liberation Support Committee.

Workers Viewpoint announced its change of name to the Communist Workers Party in October 1979, with Nelson Johnson as its chairman and Jerry Tung as general secretary.

Armed Communist Workers Party members at funeral, Greensboro, 1979



None of the CWP leaders killed in Greensboro had been converted to this extreme form of Communism straight from being free market supporters of capitalism. All of them had been active for years in militant and revolutionary groups that had taken somewhat less extreme positions than had the CWP.

For example, James WaIler. 37, a medical doctor, had been an early white member of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). He had been active in the Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) in New York, and went to the Carolinas as an organizer of "brown lung" (byssinosis) disease screening clinics for textile mill employees. In 1978, then a member of the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) Local 11132 at Cone Mills Haw River plant, Waller led a wildcat strike of some 200 employees.

William Sampson, 31, was an ACTWU shop steward at the Cone Mills White Oak plant near Greensboro. He had been a student activist at Duke University and was a member of the New American Movement (NAM) which favors using "Euro-Communist" style tactics to build a broad base of support for Marxist revolution.

Sandra Smith, 29, the only black killed, had moved to Greensboro a decade earlier to become a campus militant with YOBU. Later Smith was active as a Workers Viewpoint militant in the Greensboro Association of Poor People. In 1977, while employed at a Cone Mills textile plant, Smith had been active in a union representation drive.

Cesar Cauce, an employee of the Duke University Medical Center, was active in an organizing drive by the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. Michael Nathans, a medical doctor who died of his wounds two days after the shoot-out, had previously been a member of the Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) and the revolutionary Communist Progressive Labor Party (PLP). Among the wounded Communist Workers Party members, Paul C. Bermanzohn, 30, another medical doctor, had also been active in the left at Duke University since the early 1970's. Bermanzohn, like Sampson, had been a member of the New American Movement.

All of the slain CWP activists except Cauce were engaged in the CWP's program of infiltrating the Cone textile plants and textile union. Their emphasis was not on running CWP cadre and sympathizers for the leadership of union locals, but on taking over at the shop steward and grievance committee level.


Earlier incidents had set the stage.

Through the summer of 1979, the Communist Workers Party cadre and the members of its front groups, the Revolutionary Youth League and the African Liberation Support Committee, carried out public assaults on the local Ku Klux Klan. These earlier incidents set the stage for the November shootings.

The first incident took place on July 8, 1979, in the small town of China Grove, which lies some 70 miles southwest of Greensboro. The Workers Viewpoint Organization, Revolutionary Youth League and African Liberation Support Committee assembled at a local K KK film showing of the classic movie, Birth of a Nation. Approximately 75 Communist militants visibly brandishing clubs, lead pipes and bottles scuffled with the 15 Klansmen and their supporters. The KKK retreated and there were no serious injuries.


"The demonstrators were prepared for armed confrontation"


Having successfully blocked the Ku Klux Klan event, the revolutionary contingent marched through China Grove's black community displaying pistols, shotguns and rifles, "indicating," as the Workers Viewpoint newspaper said, "the demonstrators were prepared for armed confrontation."

Workers Viewpoint boasted that "The rally after the march was defended by more than 20 black and white protesters armed with shotguns and rifles."

In September 1979, some Ku Klux Klan members met in Louisburg, N.C., with members of the National Socialist Party, a small splinter group descended from the old American Nazi Party. A coalition, the United Racist Front, was formed whose members included at least one man arrested in the November gunfight in Greensboro.

Soon after the Nazi/Klan conference. Communist Workers Party chairman Nelson Johnson, himself a veteran of the 1969 student riots in Greensboro, announced a "Death to the Klan" march in Greensboro and dared the Klan to come. Johnson issued an "open letter to the Klan" which said, "We are having a march and conference on Nov. 3, 1979, to further expose your cowardice.... Yes, we challenge you to attend our November 3 rally in Greensboro."

How was it that the police were not on hand in advance to keep the CWP and Nazi/Klan extremists apart? Part of the blame is due to the deliberate misrepresentations of the Communist Workers Party.

The Workers Viewpoint/Communist Workers Party group had received a parade permit from city authorities on October 19th. This parade permit listed the actual true starting point of the march as the intersection of Everitt Street and Carver Drive; but the CWP, acting deliberately to confuse the issue, distributed handbills and placed an announcement in a local newspaper which said the march would assemble at a community center a half-mile from the intersection. The local police, who did not have any undercover police officers in the CWP, assumed that there was a last-minute change of plan. The CWP's deceit ensured that the police were spread out along the parade route looking for possible KKK disruptions there and at the community center. They were not in position at the real assembly point where they might have been able to prevent the shootings.

A two-minute shoot-out ensued

The problem was that the Nazi/Klan coalition sent one of its members to city hall to look at the parade permit. And so the two armed extremist groups faced each other on an intersection. The United Racist Front car caravan of about 15 Nazis and Klansmen arrived at the march assembly point where 50 Communist Workers Party cadre, led by Nelson Johnson. had gathered. A brief flurry of car-kicking, rock-throwing and cursing broke out punctuated by a shot which initial press reports stated was fired by a member of the Communist Workers Party. The Nazis and Klansmen ran to one of their cars, which was serving as a mobile arms cache, removed shotguns and rifles, and opened up on the Communist Workers group. The fusillade lasted less than two minutes. Police converged on the scene. Members of both groups were arrested. Five people were killed; and ten, including a Klansman, were wounded.


The activities seen in North Carolina are in some ways parallel to those in Italy that have fueled such revolutionary terrorist groups as the Red Brigades and Front Line.


The activities of revolutionary groups in North Carolina, particularly the organizing in local communities, the penetration and subversion directed at trade unions, and the deliberate courting of armed confrontations with neo-Nazi extremist groups, are in some ways parallel to those in Italy that have fueled such revolutionary terrorist groups as the Red Brigades and Front Line.

Both the Italian terrorists and their American counterparts have dutifully followed Lenin's teachings that armed robbery [which they call "expropriations"] and terrorism [which they call "armed struggle" and "armed self-defense"] are appropriate and desirable revolutionary tactics so long as they are under the control of the revolutionary party.



Member of the Communist Workers Party

The Red Brigades and Front Line have made the ambushing of police officers, prison guards, prosecutors and other officials of the system of justice a specialty. Often the terrorists simply murder their victims; but in a number of cases, particularly when their target is a businessman or employee of a large corporation, these Italian terrorist groups cripple their victim by shooting him in the legs. These painful, crippling "kneecappings" are intended to terrify and demoralize the public.

In February 1980, Front Line murdered the chief engineer of the Icmesa chemical plant near Monza, Italy. Front Line said the murder was "retribution" for the 1976 explosion at the plant, which loosed highly toxic dioxin that contaminated a large area and seriously injured many people. This murder took place only a week after the Red Brigades shot to death the chief engineer of the government owned Montedison Petrochemical Company's Mestre plant as he left his home for work.

American and European intelligence experts believe that the Italian terrorists are trying to attract support from the ecology and environmentalist movements through these murders of chemical plant engineers. The Hoffman-La Roche Company that has an ethical pharmaceutical plant in New Jersey owns Icmesa.

In the fall of 1979, a Milan publication, Panorama, published two highly detailed articles analyzing the ideology and operations of the "Autonomy" revolutionary movement, which provides the recruitment grounds for the Red Brigades and Front Line. As for the training in terrorism, in January 1980, the chief of the Italian Government's Office of Security and Public Order said that he had evidence that at least twenty-four to twenty-eight Italian terrorists had been trained at secret terror centers in Czechoslovakia. U.S. intelligence sources have said that the instructors at those Czech terror centers are Soviet KGB men who are sometimes assisted by East German or Cuban instructors.

In North Carolina, the Communist Workers Party (CWP) has focused on the Cone textile plants.... The Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist and the Revolutionary Communist Party have made the J.P. Stevens textile company their chief target.

When the ultra-militants of Italy's New Left, the Autonomy movement, found little support for their program among laborers and unskilled factory workers, they altered their definition of the "working class" so as to expand their targets to groups more likely to listen. So for Autonomy activists, the "working class" means students, office and clerical employees, domestics, skilled technicians and similar categories.

And, having to cast about desperately to find something to interpret as a "rising tide" of revolutionary fervor among working people, the Italian Autonomy cadre and the Front Line terrorists interpret all labor organizing activity, especially strikes, as a sort of "creeping insurrection." Every shop floor grievance is seen as "class struggle" in miniature. The parallel with the U.S. revolutionary left ideology is striking.

For their targets, the Italian terrorists have lodged themselves in the Milan-Turin-Genoa industrial triangle of Northern Italy where the Fiat corporation has been their chief target.

In North Carolina, the Communist Workers Party (CWP) has focused on the Cone textile plants in the Greensboro area. Avoiding direct competition with rival militants, the Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist and the Revolutionary Communist Party have made the J.P. Stevens textile company their chief target. The Carolina Communists have been trying to ride piggyback on unionizing drives by the textile workers union. In each plant they have infiltrated, the revolutionaries have tried to act as "super-unionists," working to put their cadre into shop steward and grievance committee posts and backing representation drives in non-union plants. After the desired successes in these initial campaigns, other Carolina companies will be targeted.

Both the Italian and U.S. revolutionaries stage confrontations with police and rival extremist groups of a neo-fascist nature because it makes their cadre and new recruits accustomed to using violence.

Italy's Front Line terrorists who have their greatest strength in Turin combine open public labor organizing activities with staging violent confrontations with police and violent neo-fascist groups. Similar programs have been underway in this country for several years by such groups as the Workers Viewpoint Organization/Communist Workers Party; the Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist; the Progressive Labor Party; Revolutionary Communist Party and Revolutionary Socialist League. Both the Italian and U.S. revolutionaries stage confrontations with police and rival extremist groups of a neo-fascist nature because it makes their cadre and new recruits accustomed to using violence.

Italian and American revolutionaries who penetrate businesses and plants take advantage wherever possible of boredom and employees' disenchantment with the established trade union leaders. Where serious grievances do not exist, they manufacture them. Ultimately, the revolutionaries reject the "legitimacy'' of the established unions. They want to destroy the unions, but in the meantime they will try to use them as stepping off points for revolution.

Front Line, though small in numbers, has an elaborate organizational structure. First are the neighborhood groups assigned to specific territorial areas. These are the first level of membership for apprentice terrorists. The neighborhood groups carry out espionage and surveillance missions against police officers, businessmen, plant managers and others living or working in their area. They engage in street violence and rioting against rival political groups; and they carry out the more casual, less-skilled acts of "armed propaganda" such as firebombing the homes and automobiles of businessmen.

Certain of the most trusted members of the neighborhood groups arc organized into what Front Line calls "proletarian combat squads." These carry out criminal activities that the revolutionary group does not want to publicly acknowledge since they might "tarnish their image." The squads engage in armed robberies of banks, post offices and businesses. The stolen money goes partly to finance Front Line and the Autonomy group's projects, and partly into the pockets of the gang. In addition to the ideological cadre, Front Line's squads include veteran criminals recruited during their prisoner solidarity activities who know how to steal cars, acquire and use guns, and are accustomed to a semi-clandestine criminal existence.

Inside the factories, the terrorist cadres engage in industrial espionage.

The "proletarian combat squads" have elementary logistical support structures such as "safe houses," an extra apartment or house in which to store guns, extra clothing and disguises, and small printing presses for producing forged documents.

The innermost level of Front Line's structure is the "assault groups" which carry out the assassinations and maimings. New members are chosen from reliable proven members of the "combat squads" who have successfully participated in robberies and miscellaneous acts of thuggery and mayhem. Obviously, it is most difficult for law enforcement authorities to insert undercover agents into the inner circles of the group.

Inside the factories, the terrorist cadres engage in industrial espionage. That is, they compile detailed information on plant operations, collect data on the plant management from the top executives and board members down to managers and foremen, and then use this information to plan activities that might gain notoriety in the press, embarrass the plant management or which might be supported by the more disgruntled plant employees. Front Line statements have often been crammed with minutia about factory floor labor disputes in order to give the illusion that their secret cadre are everywhere.

In the fall of 1979, Italian police were able to capture part of the Red Brigades' files on the Fiat corporation. Among the documents discovered were confidential company organizational charts, development plans, expansion project proposals, and other materials probably removed from the desks of high-level executives in Fiat's corporate headquarters.

There appears to be a real chance that the armed confrontations in North Carolina may escalate into clandestine terrorism.



Local opposition to the Communists


The seizure of the Red Brigades' spy files also revealed that the terrorists had advance warning of the Fiat management's decision to fife sixty suspected terrorists and militants in 1979. Thanks to their infiltrators in the executive offices, the two terrorist groups carried out reprisals against plant managers and supervisors suspected of having helped in the firing of the revolutionaries.


The example of the development of revolutionary and terrorist activity in Italy-from the formation of leftist study groups and splinter parties through infiltration of trade unions and selected companies to violent confrontations with police and extremist neo-fascist groups and terrorism-shows the direction in which the situation in the United States also could develop.

In light of the widespread support given to the Communist Workers Party by other leftist groups since the Greensboro gun-battle, there appears to be a real chance that the armed confrontations in North Carolina may escalate into clandestine terrorism.

A dozen men were arrested for first-degree murder.

Having worked themselves along a path so closely parallel to that trod by the Italian New Left revolutionaries, the Greensboro Communists were ready to still further exploit the deaths of their comrades.

Immediately after the gunfight, a dozen men were arrested for first-degree murder arid/or conspiracy to commit murder. Three more were arrested during the following investigation. Of these, seven voluntarily stated they were members of the Ku Klux Klan and three more said they were members of the National Socialist Party.

It should be emphasized that neither the Communist Workers Party march nor the Klan Nazi group attack had any connection with a local Greensboro issue. The ''Death to the Klan' march was held in Greensboro simply because that is where CWP chairman Nelson Johnson lives and the local CWP is based. The members of the United Racist Front who responded to the CWP's baiting were not from Greensboro, but from Winston-Salem, I.incolnton and other towns and cities. Neither was the incident a racial confrontation. Four of the CWP leaders killed were whites. The confrontation was really the result of one violent street gang challenging another to come to a 'rumble."

Communist Workers Party members and supporters arrested for possession of weapons and other charges included a group of fifteen persons from Philadelphia who had traveled as part of a 25-car caravan for the ''Death to the Klan" march. These included Jody Ansell , Daniel Bartoletti, Christine Chin, Howard Chin, Steve Clark, Joseph E. Cook, Jr., Robert Dohey. David W. Fay, Carl Foushee, Lawrence Goode, Fred Gumminger, Phyllis Jones, Jerome Ludder, Hollis McCoy and Olphiand Ortega.

A second group of CWP activists had traveled to Greensboro from Durham. Those from the Durham group arrested included Leonard Briggs, Thomas Clark, Frank Cuthbertson, Francis Davis, Charles Finch, Gershon Gell, Christopher Lewis and Gregory Plante.

Following the November gunfight, a number of Communist Workers Party militants began claiming they were being ''harassed'' by police and local businessmen. The claimed harassment included the firings of CWP members Robert Manvella and Signe WaIler, widow of James WaIler, from their textile mill jobs, and the arrests on December 10, 1979, of four party members who were charged with putting up illegal advertising posters. Two of these CWP activists, including Dale Sampson, whose husband died in the gunfight, were also charged

As far as the CWP propagandists were concerned, the refusal of Greensboro authorities to drop inciternemlt to riot charges against Nelson Johnson and two others arrested after the shootings, and the arrests of armed CWP members at a funeral march demonstration were also examples of' 'harassment.''



The violent confrontation... has proved a boon to the organizing efforts of the Communist Party and its allies.


The violent confrontation in Greensboro between the small Communist Workers Party splinter group and the Nazi/Ku Klux Klan coalition has proved a boon to the organizing efforts of the Communist Party and its allies in reactivating their old alliances with the civil rights movement in the South. Despite disagreements with the political ideology of the CWP, the Moscow-line Communist Party, U.S.A., the oldest and most influential of the revolutionary parties, is making use of the violence for its own purposes.

Demonstration in Greensboro, November 1979 UPI photo

A broach spectrum of civil rights and revolutionary groups attended an "emergency" meeting of the National Anti-Klan Network (NAKN~ in Atlanta, Georgia, in mid-December. The purpose of the meeting was to plan a demonstration in Greensboro. The date chosen was February 2, 1980, which not coincidentally was the twentieth anniversary of the first lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro.

According to published interviews with Rev. CT Vivian, an official of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the National Anti-Klan Network, the Atlanta conference, and the February 2, 1980, demonstration in Greensboro were the ideas and creations of Anne Braden and Marilyn Clement, the executive director of a radical litigation group called the Center for Constitutional Rights.

Since the 1950's, Anne Braden, with her late husband, Carl, has been the most effective organizer in the South for the Communist Party, U.S.A. A resident of Louisville, Kentucky, Braden for many years ran a Communist Party front called the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF). With the staff of a Communist school for training organizers, the Highlander Center of Monteagle, Tennessee, she played a key role in setting up Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

Braden and members of the Center for Constitutional Rights, a group of radical lawyers in New York led by William Kunstler and Arthur Kinoy who had been key in providing legal back-up for civil rights demonstrators in the early 1960s, saw that the time was ripe to use the "ban the Klan" campaigns and sentiment to revive once again a coalition Of Southern activists guided by the Communist Party.

On the pretext of confronting the Ku Klux Klan, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and assorted militants drew nearly 3,000 participants to an anti-Klan march in Decatur, Alabama, in May 1979. Following that march, Braden organized a meeting of representatives of 18 groups in Norfolk, Virginia, who formed the National Anti-Klan Network. The self-stated purpose of the coalition was to "combat the Klan on several fronts using direct action, legal challenges and political organizing."

"Direct action" is the radical euphemism for confrontation. As for the legal and political organizing, Mrs. Braden has made it clear that the coalition has an ulterior purpose and target. The network is not to be targeted merely against the various small neo-Nazi and KKK groups that engage in cross-burning, intimidation and harassment. No, this Communist Party veteran told those who attended the December 1979 meeting in Atlanta that their target was really an ideological "thought-crime" that she terms "Klan mentality.''

In a speech that writer and novelist George Orwell would have appreciated, Mrs. Anne Braden defined this "Klan mentality" as the view held by "the white people of this country that if taxes are eating up their paychecks it is not because of the bloated military budget, but because there are too many government programs for Blacks and minorities."

In plain English, Braden says any white American who supports a strong national defense and who opposes high taxes being spent for social welfare programs which actually violate both the spirit and letter of the United States Constitution (classical interpretation) will be smeared as having a "Klan mentality."

Few participants in that Atlanta conference which set up the organizing for a Greensboro demonstration were from the Carolinas. In addition to Louisville, Kentucky, Communist Anne Braden, the leading participants in the meeting included Macco Dixon, an official of the Trotskyist Communist Socialist Workers Party, Marilyn Clement of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York, Rev. Arthur Turner of the SCLC chapter in Decatur, Alabama, SCLC national president Rev. Joseph Lowery of Atlanta, Lynn Wells, a leader of the Peking-line Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist (CPML) and its front group, the Atlanta-based Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and Ken Chastain, a SCEF activist now organizing among Lumbee Indians in North Carolina.

Greensboro participants included Communist Workers Party central committee member Phil Thompson and Bob Smith of an ad hoc Greensboro group called Concerned Citizens Against the Klan.

The National Anti-Klan Network set up a special task force, the February 2 Coalition, which urged activists from across the South and Northeast to go to Greensboro "to commemorate the last 20 years of struggle and take part in launching this offensive."



"Greensboro has a leader and that is Nelson Johnson of the CWP...Anytime Nelson calls, people from around the world will be in Greensboro."


As it turned out, the demonstration in many ways was a disappointment to the organizers who had hoped that 30,000 people would go to Greensboro on February 2, 1980. Only some 5,000 demonstrators arrived on a mild winter's day to carry banners in what was termed the "National March Against the Klan." Nevertheless, the bloodshed in November ensured that the march received maximum coverage from national newspapers and the television networks.

In an attempt to enforce "respectability," affirm and strengthen their own position in the coalition, and attract the largest possible crowd, leaders of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in the week before the march demanded that the Communist Workers Party go on local Greensboro television and publicly ask that demonstrators not bring any sort of weapon with them. When no other group of revolutionaries was asked to make the same pledge, the CWP balked. Communist Workers Party spokesman Phil Thompson explained:


"We will never betray the right to bear arms, especially in Klan territory. We agreed we would have a peaceful and nonviolent demonstration. Upholding the right to bear arms is not in violation of our agreement."


Communist Party organizer Anne Braden supported keeping the CWP within the coalition and opposed the SCLC move. Braden said that splits and quarrels should not be displayed in public, and that differences were best resolved within the structure of the coalition. "Unity with all with whom unity is possible," said Lenin.

Although the SCLC technically won and the Communist Workers Party was dropped from the official role of the coalition, it made no difference since a large CWP contingent marched in the demonstration to the cheers of other revolutionary groups.

For its part, the Communist Party went out of its way to show its disapproval of the SCLC action and show all radical groups that it supported the CWP. Via one of the chief speakers at the demonstration, Rev. Ben Chavis, a leader of the Communist Party's National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR), strong unity overtures were made.

Rev. Chavis, who won international notoriety after his conviction with the other Wilmington Ten arson and riot conspirators in a Communist-directed campaign depicting him as an innocent "political prisoner," opened his speech by saying:

"I want to dedicate my remarks to Jim WaIler, Bill Sampson, Cesar Cauce, Mike Nathan and Sandy Smith-the CWP 5. Those four brothers and sisters that have given their lives that we may live. It matters not what their political ideologies were."

Chavis continued:


"Greensboro has a leader and that is Nelson Johnson of the CWP. Anytime Nelson calls me to Greensboro, I will be here. Anytime Nelson calls, people from around the world will be in Greensboro."

"We're going to tear this system down!

The speech in Greensboro of Rev. Ben Chavis, one of the best known and most active spokesmen for this Communist Party front group, demonstrated that the Soviet-aligned Communist movement has not lessened its desire for revolution. Said Chavis:

"I want to send a message to Jimmy Carter. There am 't going to be no reinstatement of the draft. We 're not going to fight no more wars for capitalism; we're not going to fight no more wars for imperialism. We're going to be drafted into the freedom struggle. We're going to march; we're going to march! We 're going to tear this system down! We must blot out capitalism and imperialism once and for all!"


"The source of the problem is. . .in the halls of Congress, in the boardrooms of this country 's corporations."


When she took the speaker's platform, Anne Braden, who had been the one key organizer who had put the anti-Klan and Greensboro demonstration coalitions together, emphasized that their attacks on the tiny Nazi and Klan groups are only a means to a revolutionary end.

Braden said that the problem of inter-racial violence was not merely the members of the neo-Nazi and Ku Klux Klan group "who killed five people here on the streets of Greensboro." "The source of the problem," she said, "is people in high places-in the halls of Congress, in the boardrooms of this country 's corporations."

Braden's rhetoric was echoed by Texas Farm Workers Union spokesman Jesus Moya who termed the Ku Klux Klan "the instrument of the growers . . . [and] of the bankers." And the coalition's Greensboro field coordinator, Phil Gardiner of the National Anti-Racist Organizing Committee, asserted that "Racism is bound up with capitalism, "and that in times of economic crisis, capitalism makes "scapegoats" of "blacks and other minorities."

The process of continuing confrontation is still underway. The Communist Workers Party and their allies announced another anti-Klan and anti-Nazi rally for April 17, 1980. Following the February 2nd Greensboro demonstration, Harold Covington, the leader of the National Socialist Party, announced his group was sponsoring a motorcade and "anti-communist demonstration" on the same day in Greensboro. The potential for violence, not just on the day of the counter-demonstrations, is obvious.


The facts presented in this pamphlet show that while small in numbers, the Communist Party, U.S.A. still retains the ability to mobilize Marxists and revolutionaries from an alphabet soup mixture of organizations and to lead them in programs designed to undermine and destroy American society and its institutions.

It is also apparent that we are not doing enough to inform ourselves about this threat, to initiate counter-measures, and to provide support to the state and local law enforcement groups who are in the front line of this struggle.

The facts speak for themselves. The Carolinas have been made the prime target for Communist subversion and aggression inside the United States. This aggression has been escalated from plant-gate and street corner oratory to the penetration of plants and labor unions and on to death in the streets.

It should be obvious that this situation is reversible, i.e., that Communist subversion and aggression can be defeated by intelligence collection to provide advance warning of new schemes to foment disorder, by firm and just application of all appropriate laws, and most of all, by an educated citizenry from the employees on the shop floor to middle and top management, from the local police officer to elected officials, from the average citizen to clergymen and newspaper editors.

Draft of a letter prepared for the Chairman of the House Internal Security Committee, Congressman Richard Ichord, to Congressman Richardson Preyer of North Carolina, member of the House Internal Security Committee.

The exact letter is not available since the files have been sealed with the termination of the Committee, but this is a copy of the letter prepared for the Chairman to be sent to Congressman Preyer.

In December 1974, the House Internal Security Committee was terminated and the functions transferred to the House Judiciary Committee as a result of actions taken by the Democratic Caucus and imposed in the full House in the initial part of the first session of the 94th Congress in 1975. The House Internal Security Committee was thus terminated by a parliamentary maneuver, not an up and down vote in the House of Representatives.

Since 1975, the Judiciary Committee has taken no action on this matter or other internal security matters.

Thus, the maneuver to transfer the committee to Judiciary was in fact a maneuver that terminated the internal security function of the House of Representatives.

January 21, 1974


The Committee on Internal Security staff has informed me that there are reliable indications that a number of projects, initiated and directed by the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA) and its fronts, will be activated in North Carolina this year. I thought you would be interested in the details.

The newly formed CPUSA front, the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NA) informed its membership and supporters in a December 3, 1973 letter:

"In view of the fact that North Carolina represents repression in its most comprehensive form, our programmatic thrust will be directed toward that state. We will be sending in organizers, producing literature, and working toward a Spring 1974 offensive."

The National Alliance was formed in Chicago in May 1973 at a conference dominated by members of CPUSA and its youth arm, the Young Workers Liberation League (YWLL). The "co-chairpersons" of the NA are Carl Braden, Bert Corona and Angela Davis; the executive secretary is Charlene Mitchell; and the treasurer, a "vice-chairperson", is Rev. Ben Chavis.

As it now appears probable that these people, the officers of the NA, will be active in North Carolina this spring and summer masquerading as liberal seekers of social change, I believe you will be interested in their involvement with the CPUSA.

Carl Braden, now employed by the Southern Institute for Propaganda and Organizing, was until October, 1973 information director of the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). SCEF has for three decades been the prime organization for the introduction of Communist ideology into the South. Previously Braden had served as that organization's Executive Director (1966-70) following many years service with SCEF as a Field Organizer. In 1954, Carl Braden and his wife Anne McCarty Braden, were identified as members of CPUSA in a Louisiana state sedition prosecution in which Carl Braden was convicted (a conviction which was subsequently reversed) of dynamiting a home. The aging and belligerent Braden took a leadership role in the formation of the National Alliance.

Bert Corona, or more correctly, Humberto Noe Corona, 55, was a founder and president of the Mexican-American Political Association (MAPA) in the 1960's. Presently Corona is the executive director of the Centro de Accion Social Autonoma (CASA) in Los Angeles, an organization working with illegal aliens in the Southwest.

An instructor at several schools within the University of California system, Corona has been associated with many radical and militant groups in the Southwest, including the Brown Berets. A sponsor of the statewide (California) Conference for New Politics in 1966, Corona was in 1967 a participant in the national convention of the Federal Alliance of Free Cities (the Alianza) in Albuquerque, New Mexico, a roll-call gathering of racial and political militants called by Reies Lopez Tijerina.

During the 1940's, Corona was an organizer for the International Longshoreman's and Warehouseman's Union (ILWtJ), and was identified in Congressional testimony (HCUA 12 / 53) as a caucus member of CPUSA in that union.

Corona is also a former member of the board of directors of the Los Angeles Communist School and the Citizens Committee for the Defense of Mexican-American Youth, cited as a "communist front for racial agitation that functioned in Los Angeles in 1943 during the so-called zoot suit disturbances in that city."

Angela Davis, 29, is a member of CPUSA's national committee and has had a lifelong involvement with the Communist Party. Born in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1944, her parents were active in the civil rights movement. Her mother, Sallye B. Davis, still a teacher in the Birmingham public school system, had been an active member of the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) before Angela was born. (SNYC was affiliated with two Communist front organizations, the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW), which is now operating as the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and the National Negro Congress (NNC).

The circumstances of the Davis trial for a murder-kidnapping in Southern California need no recapitulation, other than to say that the defense effort organized by CPUSA projected Davis into the role of an international communist leader.

Charlene Mitchell, or Mrs. William H. Mitchell, nee Alexander, 43, has been active in the organizational work of the Communist Party for 27 years. A member of the Central Committee, she was the Party's candidate for President of the U.S. in 1968. In 1970 she took a leadership role in the National United Committee to free Angela Davis (NUCFAD) and was the prime convenor of the National Alliance founding conference.

Reverend Ben Chavis, 26, is a native of Oxford, North Carolina. A leaflet put out by SCEF on Chavis states, "He is on the staff of the Commission for Racial Justice of the United Church of Christ. Members of his family have been fighters for racial justice in North Carolina for many years. His father was a militant in Oxford and his mother is still active in the struggle there. Two of his sisters, one in Raleigh and one in Charlotte, are involved in the black liberation movement."

Ben Chavis has been active in agitation in North Carolina since 1969; in 1972 he was charged with conspiracy to make fugitives of two men charged with murder, and with aiding their flight. Tried in 1973 in Wilmington, North Carolina, Chavis was acquitted of the charges. Reverend Chavis now works out of the United Church of Christ offices in Washington, D.C. While we have no evidence that Chavis is himself affiliated with CPUSA, he has been a sponsor of national and international communist fronts and events including the United Defense Against Repression (IJDAR), the National Alliance, and the Tenth World Youth Festival.

While at this time there is little hard information on the National Alliance's targets in North Carolina, confidential sources indicated that they will attempt to organize around the following issues:

(a) "The Tarboro Three." On December 9, 1973, following their conviction on a rape charge, three negroes were sentenced to death by Judge John Webb. The NAACP Legal Defense Fund and the United Church of Christ's Commission on Racial Justice (UCC-CRJ) have already mounted protests against this sentence in particular, and North Carolina's reinstated capital punishment statute.

My understanding is that Reverend Chavis is planning to organize a nationwide campaign around "The Tarboro Three" and use it in the same way as CPUSA used the Scottsboro case in the '30's.

Obviously, the fact that three men have been convicted of rape is immaterial to the communists and their supporters; frankly, their view of interracial rape is more than bizarre; it is political. In 1972, SCEF's tabloid, The Southern Patriot, detailed the "party line" in an article entitled "Keeping People Divided: History of the Rape Charge."

In this article, it was stated that rape charges are instituted by "the ruling class" to insure that "black and white people would not get together to challenge the handful of whites who controlled the South." The article continued:

"A group of Southern white women played an important role in changing the atmosphere during the 1930's. They declared that they were tired of being used as the pretext for terrorizing black people. Furthermore, they said they did not care to be objects that white men supposedly protected; that they would protect themselves. Lynchings declined sharply-and the women had struck a blow for their own liberation from the traditional role of white Southern womanhood. But the charge of rape remained on the Southern statute books-and the lynchers merely moved inside the courthouses."


b. The Capital Punishment Statute of North Carolina: At this time radicals claim that North Carolina has one of the strongest capital punishment laws in the U.S. At this time there are 22 persons under sentence of death in the State; fifteen are negro, six are white and one is an American Indian. The National Alliance, working with SCEF, will campaign for the repeal of capital punishment.

c. Prison conditions: Prison and parole conditions generally will come under attack; in particular conditions at Odom Farm Correctional Camp and at the Central Prison, Raleigh, will serve as a focal point for agitation. Demands will, I understand, be related to prison food (North Carolina, the communists say, is so "unenlightened" that it serves its convicts pork-with no alternative), to disciplinary hearings and to the creation of a prisoners union. In this area the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) and the North Carolina Political Prisoners Committee of Charlotte will work with SCEF and the National Alliance.

Campaigns will be conducted around individual prisoners, either seeking new trials or making demands for pardons and a campaign will be organized directed against the setting up of a "behavior-modification" facility for prisoners at Butner, North Carolina.

These, then, are the issues which will be exploited in North Carolina in the months to come. The scenario that the agitators will use is predictable-picket lines, demonstrations, rallies, etc. And because of the emotional nature of some of the issues the danger of confrontations between demonstrators and police is very real.

Added to this predictable scenario the National Alliance will be calling for a "worldwide" boycott of furniture, textiles and tobacco products manufactured in the State. This has already received some minimal publicity in The Southern Patriot (November 1973) and will be more widely publicized after February 9, when the NA's executive committee meets in Raleigh.

In brief, the situation is that less than a dozen CPUSA organizers are aiming to enlist the aid of alienated individuals in North Carolina to protest and agitate for revolutionary social change.



African Liberation Support Committee (ALSC)-a coalition of black Marxist and radical groups formed in 1973 to support revolutionary movements in Southern Africa. By 1976, the ALSC had fractionalized and lost many members as a result of a takeover of many chapters by the Workers Viewpoint Organization (WVO) and other Maoist Communist groups.

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)-formed by a group of socialist Quakers to support draft resistance during World War I, the ACLU paradoxically, considering its name, does not exclude from membership members of Communist or other totalitarian groups. A number of the most active ACLU lawyers hold dual membership in the National Lawyers Guild, a Communist legal front. The ACLU's Privacy Project, led by identified Communist Party member Frank Donner, took a leading role in the commencement of the attacks on the U.S. domestic intelligence agencies.

Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR)-a New York-based litigation group composed of activist members of the National Lawyers Guild led by Peter Weiss, William Kunstler and Arthur Kinoy. CCR lawyers have represented a broad range of violence-oriented groups and accused members of revolutionary terrorist groups ranging from the SDS Weathermen and Symbionese Liberation Army through members of the West German Baader-Meinhof Gang and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Communist Party, U .S.A. (CPUSA)- the official Moscow-line Communist group active through a multiplicity of front-groups including the National Lawyers Guild (NLG), National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR), Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOCESJ), Young Workers Liberation League (YWLL), Women for Racial and Economic Equality (WREE) and the U.S. Peace Council (USPC). Among the most active CPUSA organizers are Angela Davis and Charlene Mitchell (NAARPR), Anne Braden (SOCESJ), and Mike Myerson (USPC).

Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist (CPML)-founded as the October League in 1971 by merger of a Los Angeles Maoist Communist group with the Georgia Communist League, a group of white former members of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the CPML is the official Peking-line Communist group in the U.S. Other Peking-backed U.S. Communist groups are undergoing a merger process with the CPML. Its principal front group is the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), led by Lynn Wells.

Communist Workers Party (CWP)- changed its name from Workers Viewpoint Organization in the fall of 1979. It was founded in New York in the early 1970's principally as a group of Maoist Asians and AsianAmericans. In 1972, the Workers Viewpoint Organization formed an alliance and merged with the Youth Organization for Black Unity (YOBU) based in Greensboro and led by Nelson Johnson, now the CWP national chairman.

Front Line (Prima Linea)-an Italian terrorist group associated with the "Autonomy" revolutionary organizing movement in neighborhoods and plants in Turin, Milan and other Italian industrial centers.

February 2 Coalition (F2C)-a broad coalition formed at the December 14-15, 1979, meeting in Atlanta, GA, of the National Anti-Klan Network (NAKN), a project initiated by Anne Braden of the Communist Party, U.S.A. The F2C co-chairmen were Lucius Walker, chairman of the Interreligious Foundation for Community Organization (IFCO); and Rev. C. T. Vivian of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).

International Committee Against Racism (ICAR)-a front group for the militant revolutionary Communist Progressive Labor Party (PLP) whose cadre, often appearing in a paramilitary dress of red t-shirts, construction helmets, and brandishing clubs, heavy leather belts and/or lead pipes wrapped in copies of the PLP newspaper Challenge/Desafio have battled police in Boston, California and other locations.

Inter-religious Foundation for Community Organization (IFCO)-an incorporated group of radical left-wing clergy and laity who seek to bring about revolutionary social change; led by the Reverend Lucius Walker.

Ku Klux Klan (kKK)-any of several rival groups which use violence and intimidation against Negroes, Mexican-Americans and other minorities. In a number of areas, KKK groups have formed alliances with local neo-Nazi groups.

Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR)-founded by Communist Party physicians in the early 1960's to provide medical services to participants in civil rights demonstrations and confrontations in the South; in the early 1970's, MCHR chapters were taken over by a variety of Maoist Communist groups, including the PLP and Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP). MCHR members from the PLP and RCP have taken part in support efforts for unionization of health care employees and nurses in New York, Boston and Durham, NC.

National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (NAARPR)-the Communist Party, U.S.A.'s principal front directed at the civil rights and prisoner organizing movements. NAARPR leaders include CPUSA members Angela Davis, Charlene Mitchell and Anne Braden. Another of its leaders is Rev. Benjamin F. Chavis, convicted of arson conspiracy with nine others involved in a race riot in Wilmington, North Carolina, in which a Greek-American's grocery store was destroyed.

National Conference of Black Lawyers (NCBL)-an organization of Marxist and revolutionary lawyers which serves as an adjunct to the National Lawyers Guild (NGL). The NCBL is an active member of two international Communist legal fronts-the Soviet-controlled International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) and the IADL's Havana-based subsidiary, the Association of American Jurists (AAJ).

National Lawyers Guild (NLG)- formed in 1936 with the aid of the Comintern, the NLG remains the principal legal bulwark of the CPUSA, its fronts and controlled unions. While there are a small number of Maoists, Trotskyites and independent Marxists and "New Leftists" in the NLG, its international positions and real domestic control lies with the supporters of the Soviet and Cuban Communist regimes. With the CPUSA, the NLG organized the legal defense for the Wilmington 10, and more recently for Joan Little, acquitted of murdering a jail guard in North Carolina.

National Socialist Party (NSP)-a tiny North Carolina neo-Nazi group led by Harold Covington, members of which participated in a shoot-out with the CWP on November 3, 1979. The NSP formed a coalition with local KKK members in North Carolina called the United Racist Front (URF) in 1979.

New American Movement (NAM)-a

Chicago-based Marxist revolutionary group led by the former chief organizer of the CPUSA in Southern California, Dorothy Healey, and her son, Richard. NAM affects modern, low-key terminology about "public ownership" of utilities and businesses, and Italian-style ' Euro-Communism" of building an electoral base in local communities as the key to developing support for a future revolution. NAM is active in Durham and Chapel Hill, N.C. In 1977, members of NAM's Marxist-Leninist Caucus broke away, with some members joining with the Workers Viewpoint Organization, now the Communist Workers Party (CWP).

New Left-a term applied to a wide variety of political trends and groups which have developed since the early 1960's. Unlike the "old left", by which is meant the disciplined Marxist-Leninists of the Moscow-controlled Communist Party, U.S.A., the Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party and the Maoist Party, the "new lefts" draw their inspiration from Castro's Cuba, from the "Euro-Communist" parties of Spain and Italy, from Tito's Yugoslavia, from Vietnam, and from the myriad of Cuban and Soviet-backed revolutionary terrorist groups in Latin America, Africa and Asia.

Progressive Labor Party [PLP)-a small self-stated revolutionary Communist party formed in the early 1960's by militants expelled from the CPUSA. The PLP and its principal front, the International Committee Against Racism (ICAR), have extensive records of engaging in violent confrontations with police and KKK groups.

Revolutionary Communist Party(RCP)-based in Chicago and led by Bob Avakian, the RCP utilizes the rhetoric of violent revolution not used by the more subtle Moscow-line Communists in public since the 1920's. The RCP is militantly Maoist and does not support the present Red Chinese leadership because of their opening of diplomatic and trade relations with the U.S. RCP has a nationwide public record of violent confrontations with police. It has been attempting to organize among coal mine workers, and among textile plant employees. RCP fronts include Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) and the Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee (UWOC).

Revolutionary Socialist League (RSL)-a militant Trotskyite Communist party which with its front, the Black and White Defense Committee, has engaged in violent confrontations with police and KKK groups.

Socialist Workers Party (SWP)-the largest of the Trotskyite Communist groups, the SWP, its youth arm, the Young Socialist Alliance (YSA), and fronts such as the National Student Coalition Against Racism (NSCAR) have been active in the February 2 Coalition. The SWP has an active program of requiring its members to penetrate and subvert a wide variety of other groups ranging from labor unions through community groups to activist organizations such as the National Organization for Women (NOW), in the same manner as the Moscow-line CPUSA.

Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF)-based in Atlanta, SCEF is now a front of the Peking-line Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist. From the late 1930's until 1973, when it was "captured" by the CPML, SCEF was controlled by the Moscow-line Communist Party, U.S.A. After being driven out of SCEF, Anne Braden and the CPUSA formed the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOCESJ).

Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)-a militant civil rights organization founded by Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. Under its current national president, Rev. Joseph Lowery, the SCLC has attained international notoriety for its meetings with and support for Soviet-backed Middle Eastern terrorists.

Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOCESJ)-a small Communist Party front group based in Louisville, KY, organized by Anne Braden after the 1973 capture of SCEF by the rival Peking-line Communist Party, Marxist-Leninist (CPML).

Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)-a civil rights group founded at Fisk University by militants in support of the first lunch-counter sit-in by four freshmen at A&T College in Greensboro, NC, on February 1, 1960. The founding chairman of SNCC at Fisk was Marion Shepilov Barry, who adopted as his middle name the surname of a member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party who was expelled because of his unyielding support of Stalin's faction against Krushchev. SNCC, with only about 150 members by the end of 1964, had a core group of some 30 white members, a significant number of which were associated with pro-Moscow or pro-Peking Communist groups. In 1965, the increasing membership of "black nationalist" extremists in SNCC forced out all the white members, who with the assistance of Carl and Anne Braden, the CPUSA's chief organizers in the South and leaders of the SCEF, formed the Southern Students Organizing Committee (SSOC), which became the Southern affiliate of Students for a Democratic Society. By the late 1960's, SNCC had become a violence-prone extremist organization under the leadership of Stokely Carmichael and H. "Rap" Brown, with SNCC leaders traveling to Cuba and Czechoslovakia to meet with foreign Communist and evolutionary terrorist leaders.

Workers World Party (WWP)-a militant Trotskyite Communist party, the WWP stridently supports the regimes in Cuba and North Korea and virtually every Soviet and Cuban-backed revolutionary terrorist group in the world. The WWP and its youth arm, Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF), have consistently engaged in violent confrontations and street-fighting with police. The WWP has an active chapter in Norfolk, VA; and for major demonstrations, the WWP buses its disciplined cadres from Buffalo, New York City, Baltimore and Atlanta to North Carolina.

Youth Organization for Black Unity (YOBU)-a Maoist group formed in Greensboro in the late 1960's by Nelson Johnson. In 1972, the YOBU began a merger process with the Workers Viewpoint Organization.

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